Walker in March also made the rare move of putting the state under a process known as “preclearance,” meaning a court would have to approve any changes to Florida’s election laws for the next 10 years. “They think they are the poll workers and that the League of Women Voters is running this precinct … It makes some people lose trust in the integrity of the election,” he told the panel, which also included Judge Jill Pryor. He also pointed to instances in which voters “get confused” by groups, especially when the groups’ workers all wear the same color clothing. “Isn’t it really about protecting the peace and quiet of voters, you know, keeping them from being disturbed by anyone?” she asked Fox, who said the state already has a prohibition against disturbing voters.Ĭameron Norris, who represents the national Republican organizations, said the law clarifies restrictions in buffer zones outside voting places. Judge Britt Grant, however, appeared skeptical. “They want to go and encourage people to vote, but they don’t encourage people to vote in any particular way,” he said.

Under the law, only supervisors of elections workers can distribute snacks or water.ĭavid Fox, who represents the League of Women Voters of Florida and other plaintiffs, said the ban “directly implicates” the league’s activities.

Thursday’s arguments also addressed part of the law banning people from giving water or food to voters waiting in line. “I don’t think that’s an accurate reflection of what the trial record was,” Freedman responded. “The district court made a deal of the partisan differences and from that inferred something that the racial data didn’t show,” Pryor said. Pryor later asked John Freedman, one of the plaintiffs’ lawyers, whether he “got it right” by concluding “the data is statistically insignificant when it comes to race.” “Yes, your honor, that’s it, and even that data itself is flawed,” Jazil said. He also referred to a survey that found Black voters were 1.3 percentage points more likely to report waiting times in long lines than white voters and a decade-old analysis that showed Black voters were 13 percentage points more likely to register to vote using third-party organizations.

Pryor also pointed to data that showed just a fraction of Black voters were more likely than white voters to deposit ballots at drop boxes outside of regular business hours.

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